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Monday, May 29, 2017
Would Cattle Make Sense Anymore?
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Friday, January 6, 2017
The classical and the folk
Classifying the arts
as classical and folk has been an idea that’s long been embedded our mainstream
thinking. Classical has always been the art forms such as Carnatic,
Hindustani,etc. Forms that have been viewed as higher art, as catering to a
higher sense of aesthetics. These are enjoyed by specific castes and
communities in India, who've been traditionally powerful. Whereas folk music is
seen as the contra. This classification is intriguing.
I used to disagree
with the mainstream definitions of classical. I thought they were too narrow
and ridden with casteist and hierarchical mindsets. I formulated my own
definition of classical as being music with feeling. For instance, mainstream
pop music I wouldn't have considered classical. As I see no bhaavam in it. It
is not music that lingers, makes you think, titillates your hearts. It doesn't
go deep. Our enjoyment of it is mostly aesthetical. However, even metal music
when performed with Bhaavam, in its music, lyrics, tone, raagam, etc would be
considered classical in my definition. Some rock and metal connoisseurs would
approve of the feeling that’s evoked by specific songs when performed by
specific performers. I truly believe music with bhaavam of any kind is a higher
art. The experience of that art will always be emotional. It is this bhaavam
component that makes for certain music a truly enriching experience. Such music
always is spiritual…regardless of what our spirituality is.
But does that mean
Folk doesn't have the Bhaavam??
This last question
proved my definition as wrong. Ultimately, I've now settled for a more social
based definition.
All arts are
pursuits of people in their spare time, whatever little they have of it. It is
when we are pure - free from the clutches of materialistic concerns. The
Bhaavam is embedded in the passion of the performer, and the passion of the
receiver.
'Classical' arts had
passionite performers. But it also had enormous patronage - from courts, rich
merchants, temples, etc. There was a market for it, an ecosystem of livelihood.
People could become full time performers. Hence, their continued patronage depended
on how well they're able to perform. If
lyrics and Bhaavam and the Mehfil is what patrons wanted… that’s what the
performers focussed on… they lyrics, their intonations, their deviations, all
carefully practiced and crafted to evoke certain feelings, and provide an
experience for the patron. It was a committed effort. This effort manifested
itself into the disciplined, a set of rules… all of which evolved over years of
practice, innovation and adaptation. The art evolved through such a process.
Folk arts have been
performed by certain people in different communities - agrarian, forest,
coastal, etc when they had free time. Performers were hardly full time. They
were always part-time. This kind of
patronage ecosystem never existed. Even if it did, it would've been part time
patronage of a very localised, village level. Those incentives for the
practitioners to keep refining and developing their art weren't there. The kind
of focussed effort to cultivate their art were never necessary from a market
angle. One dare says, folk arts have existed only due to the pure passion of
its performers, as there was a lack of market patronage ecosystem.
The bhaavam of folk
music… I'm yet to discover, but when I do… I feel that it shall be a slightly
different one. One that’s travelled a different path.
I also look forward
to discovering folk music histories. If any reader has any interesting links or stories on folk histories, I would be thankful if they could paste it in the comments. Just so that I can discover their
trajectories of how they’ve evolved over the years. So that once again, I can
change my thinking of the arts :)
Thursday, January 5, 2017
The Old Tree
There was this old
big tree. It stood by for a long time. No one really knew who planted it, no
one knew who nourished and grew it. But
the people around it did water it from time to time. A few came to pluck its fruits,
a few came to enjoy its shade, a few needed a place to pee. But to most, the
tree was just there… it was a reality of that place, It was the landmark of
that place. But there was something wrong.
It was a sick tree.
Its roots were deep, dry and rotting.
Some said , its
rotten to the core. Burn down the whole thing… it isn't worth saving… we don’t
need a tree. The fruits numb you. We should learn to live without it.
Some said, uproot
and throw it away. Rotten roots give poisonous fruit, the shade will whiter
away. Let's get rid of this, and plant a new tree. A good tree, with sweet
fruit. It will take time; but it shall be worth it. It'll be better than this
rotten tree.
Some said, the fruit
is already sweet, the shade is cool and large. Let us fix the rotting roots
with care. It shall take even longer, but it shall provide shade throughout, the effort shall be worth it.
And some said,
there's hardly anything wrong with it. A few blemishes on stem, leaves or the
fruit perhaps… nothing a few sprays can't fix, nothing major. It's mostly fine.
They keep talking
about it. Each one does their own thing.
The tree also does
its thing.
The tree keeps
changing.
Tuesday, October 27, 2015
A wedding, and after
She stayed with her
uncle and aunt. Her parents were long dead. And she wasn't 16 yet. Her uncle
and aunt did raise her up for a few years, but were also seeking for a suitable
house to marry her into. They probably didn't want to keep supporting her for
much longer.
Soon came a proposal
from a nearby village. It was a similarly poor family, with just sufficient
land to produce a little surplus. The horrible monsoon had badly affected all
families in the region. They had a 17 yr old healthy son, who had to now offer his
labours elsewhere to pay their debts, in the absence of a good harvest. The
mother was a gem of a woman. She was hard working, straightforward, confident,
and overall, known for her progressive values. She had managed to tame her
alcoholic husband out of the habit, made important decisions for her family,
became a leader of the local SHGs and encouraged others to get out of the debt
trap. All this, and she wasn't loud. In short, she spoke little, spoke with
amazing clarity and firmness whenever she did. She was respected.
But the last few
seasons weren't great for her too. Some medical bills, crop failures and family
emergencies all made her household slightly precarious. She was also getting
old, and couldn't maintain the entire farm on her own. She thought its high she
had some extra hands to help out. There weren't too many others at home too, it
wasn't a large and unmanagable family for anyone new, she thought.
So she approached
this family she had heard of. She met the girl, her uncle and aunt, and seemed
to like them. They too agreed.
They soon got
engaged. Our mother here thought it would be a reasonable idea if she moved over to her new place for a few days.
After all, Rakshabandhan was approaching , the girl anyway had to get back to
her uncle's place for the festival. The mother felt a few days of familiarising
before the wedding would be good. Everyone agreed, and the girl moved.
Soon it was Rakhi
time, the girl got back to her uncle's. a few days later, the young couple got
married too. As per custom, the groom's side paid a bridal price of Rs.30,000.
They decided the
girl could stay for a few more days with her folks. And reach her new home
later. The mother said, "you may not have parents, but you now have a
home".
As in any place,
this uncle did have his share of rivals in his village. The next few days
presented an opportunity for them to mouth their opinions to the girl.
The day to leave had
come, the girl was all ready. She boarded the bus and finally she left her
village once and for all.
The bus halted for a
bit at a town midway. The girl got down, boarded another bus, met a few of her
villagers, went over to the police station, and lodged a complaint that she was
a victim of child marriage, and the wedding to be annulled. And thats that...
Monday, August 31, 2015
The night of cleansing
I stay with a very generous and sweet
family in this village. The couple are from a nearby village, but have been
staying here for long. The house we stay in has a soakpit for sewage waste
emanating from the washrooms. The house also doubles up as a makeshift office
for my organization, hence always has a steady stream of visitors from nearby
villages. Since its one of the few houses in the village to actually have
toilets, you do have a few people who use the toilets placed just outside our
rooms. So, compared to its traffic, the soakpit is comparatively small, and
fills up pretty soon.
We periodically pump it out with a motor
to our small backyard farm. Even though it is partially decomposed human
excreta, it still counts as liquid manure, albeit not a great one. 2 nights
back, we had started the motor pump for the same purpose, but it was taking
much longer than usual. It was 11 pm and my host and I decided to go to sleep,
and wake up at 4am to check and switch off the motor. I slept well. Not a
single dream, nothing to remember about the sleep, just blankness, the hallmark
of a sound sleep.
I then heard this soft voice calling out,
I awoke to find my host guy calling me
out. It was 3 am, and I told him the pumping wouldn’t be done yet. He called me
out, smiled and showed me the soakpit. Sometime while we were asleep, the pipe
got clogged, and the pressure loosened the pipe. The result was glaring in
front of us, the pumped sewage waste, spread out on our's and our neighbour's
front porch. Many days of partially decomposed toilet sewage just out there… the
sight was plain and simply awful.
The village was all asleep, it was still
and silent. We were lucky.
We thought... If we wait till morning, the entire
village would get to know of this - not a pretty sight. The sight of everyone watching while we clean up was also not to be avoided; for all we know, some might begin to boycott us. Also, the neighbor whose porch was
filled, wasn't the best of friends and was a source of constant complaints over small issues. Compared to the
minor issues we have argued profusely on, this was ‘End of Days’. But personally, my biggest concern was that
the neighbour’s place was also the venue for the village’s mini-Anganwadi, with
many tiny tots expected the next day. This is the last place to leave in an
unhygienic manner.
It was clear what we had to do. My host
and I stared at each other, laughed a while. The heavens opened then and it
started drizzling too… we were going to be cleaning shit in the rains :P
We assembled a bucket and a mug each,
collected the dark viscous liquid waste on the floor by hand, filled the
buckets and emptied in on our backyard farm. We had to race against time, we
had to finish this entire operation before 4:30, when folks start waking up.
Getting caught in such an activity, was not a position we wanted to find
ourselves in. It was dark, and we had a tough time handling the torch while
operating. It also meant there was no photo opportunities :P
Once we were mostly done, we decided to
water down the remaining bits, and wiped them far away. We then prayed for
intense rains so as to remove all traces of the night’s work. And as luck would
have, it started raining hard. Standing there with all filth on us, with the
rains pouring on us, one could so easily visualize an epic scene from a film
climax.
To take a bath at
4:30 after cleaning so much shit with our bare hands, was a truly satisfying
experience. I shall remember this bath for a long long time to come. Friday, May 1, 2015
Mass Marriage
It was tense. But it
wasn't meant to be so. It was meant to be joyous, perhaps a bit of relief, a
dash of anxiety for the unknown future lying ahead too. But the nerves weren't
that. It was palpable tension cause so few knew what was happening at the present.
Cause they just could not relate to it.
The setting was the
mass marriage ceremonies conducted by the government of Madhya Pradesh, under
the 'Mukhyamantri Kanyadaan Yojna' for couples preferring not to spend
extravagantly for their wedding. It is open to the general public, all classes
and communities. The couples get a Rs.17,000 Fixed Deposit in the name of the
bride, Rs.5000 worth vessels and pressure cooker as 'Kanyadaan', and Rs.3000
spent for arrangements per couple. This particular one had 46 couples, almost
all of them belonging to the ST communities of the Korku and the Bhilala. So
what exactly was so alienating, that made the air so tense?
The couples had a
small fire alter placed in front of them. There were 8-9 pandits chanting
sanskrit slokas, and asking the couples to repeat them, and also perform some
tasks like pouring various items into the fire, and on each other. They were
clueless about what to do and what to say. The pandit went on and on in the
incomprehensible language. The only recognisable words were some of the names
of the gods like Krishna, Rama, Narayana, etc - words the people have become
accustomed to over the decades. Repeated invocation of the "Brahman Devta
Abhishek ji Maharaj" had most couples go "kaun?". Once, the
grooms were asked to draw a swastika on the bride's hand - the junior pandit
went mad as most of them dint know what a swastika was, or why it was needed
here. The pandit kids running around to assist the couples were shocked at
levels of ignorance amongst the couples. None of these ever made sense to the
bulk of them. The new word most folks learnt that day was the one they had repeated
the most - "swaahaa". So much so, that when the actual exchange of
garlands took place, one couldn't spot smiling faces of relief. But flat faces,
of cluelessness.
The Bhilala wedding
has no place for such fire alters. They have a wooden stump, the 'Kakad' fixed
to the ground symbolising their family goddess; it’s the centre piece of their
wedding ceremony. There's no place for a pandit chanting mantras in a completely
unrecognisable language, and frankly, boring the crap out of them. Their
ceremonies have the sister and sister-in-law conducting it, asking for their
mutual consents, and fixing what their families would exchange with each other
and invoking the sun, the moon, their crop deities and their family goddess.
Following this would be the women of the house singing songs about their
families, and also some raunchy songs about the pleasures of marriage :P (Simultaneously of course, you'd have folks
having copious amounts of Mahua!)
There are a number
of ways of viewing this. I think its commendable that the state launches such
schemes, I really do. Weddings are one of those high expenditure activities
that cause indebtedness in most parts of our country. Its also one of the
several reasons many in our country prefer male kids to female ones. When folks
can get together and perform financial transactions through SHGs, or sell crops
together through Cooperatives, why cant they get married together! As a
development intervention, I think its right up there. I daresay, its ok for the
state to subsidise such events. Its got a clever name too. Since the state
purchases the items for kanyadaan on behalf of the families, in a sense, the
kanyadaan is performed by the state - taking the meaning of the 'paternalistic
state' to an altogether different level :)
Now at the
implementation phase, the organisers would have had to think about making
arrangements. Now, it is at this juncture that our sociological backgrounds
come into the picture. The event organisers, mostly block level officers, by
default assumed that getting a troupe of Sanskrit pandits to conduct the
weddings is the norm - the natural way of doing things. And its quite natural
to assume so too. It might not have been something they particularly gave time
to think through. After all, in our
lives, we get exposed to marriages of only a certain kind. In pop culture, all
portrayals and imageries of weddings involve a sacred thread bearing pandit
with mantras and fire alters. The trouble is it’s the norm for only a section
of the population - the ones who fall into the patterns set by mainstream
Hinduism, along with its thrust on Sanskrit and Vedic rituals. It is precisely
this trap that sits like an unmovable block of rock in our heads; it calls for
a learning - that our mainstream does not pertain to all. This is even more
pertinent when the mainstream norm accounts for the better off in society,
while the ones who're outside its fold - the 'others', have been on the
receiving end through much of history. The power relations between these two
groups blinds the powerful to nuances of the oppressed.
The 'sickularist' in me naturally tends to
laugh at this, but also view this suspiciously through the lens of the state
(BJP ruled) attempting to spread Hindutva's tentacles to communities not quite
yet within its fold. But it might be too harsh a judgment. I choose to stick
with the line of thought of the previous paragraph.
Another observation
on the same note of Hindutva. The block has a sizable Muslim population,
especially in the block headquarters. There were no Muslim couples
participating in the function. Let us not fool ourselves into thinking
expensive weddings are a Hindu problem. It could be that the organisers did not
make that much of an effort to canvass for this scheme amongst the Muslim
communities, cause we know that there are a few private initiatives amongst the
Muslim communities where group weddings do take place. The argument could also
be made that the community doesn't come forward for such schemes - as is the
favourite right wing argument. But based on how the function went about, I
guess it would seem very unwelcoming to couples of other faiths. A small
gesture of simply having a Qazi on stage for standby would've been so nice to
see - that the organisers had at least given some thought to it. The absence of
such things is quite sad.
Amongst the couples
were also two mixed couples - OBC boys with ST girls, specifically landed,
moneyed Sirvi boys with Bhilala girls. Being the ravishing romantic, yours
truly instinctively took it to be couples madly in love with each other, with
parents refusing to accept them. Its only then that it struck me, that a
practice has taken off in recent years among the Sirvi community, of marrying
Bhilala girls after paying their families, owing to an apparent 'shortage of
girls' within their community. At first sight, such a story has all the makings
of a torrid time ahead for the girls in question - for it could well be that
the boys' folks were 'shopping for cooks'. However, this seemingly strange
phenomena should be dealt with in a separate post on the history of the
Bhilalas of this place, and their complex relationship with other communities
here.
Oh, and by the way,
there's apparently a government reward of Rs.50,000 for such inter-caste
marriages. Now, go figure that out.
But as the defining piece,
I think my everlasting memory of the event would be the following couple, of
Savita marrying Gabbar Singh - a match truly made in dreams :)
With all the
youthness in our hearts, let us fervently wish them a truly great future ahead
!
Sunday, April 19, 2015
Farms and forests
My
work area lies in the ST dominated regions of Bagli block, in Dewas district of Madhya Pradesh.
Among the ST communities here are the Bhilala, Korku and the Barela. But among
them, for a variety of reasons, the Barela evince much more interest. One of
the reasons for coming here was to gain an understanding of the developmental
story of the people here. Based on my months here, there is an outline of the
Barela story that is quite fascinating. It’s a story that is quite common to so
many communities and regions in a world undergoing rapid change. It’s a story
of migration, complete with ecological, economic, social and political
causations and ramifications.
The
Barelas were the latest to migrate into this region, after the Bhilalas and
Korkus. Based on oral records, a bulk of them moved in from areas in and around
Badwani, beyond the south bank of the Narmada, some 200 kms away.
Oral
sources here cite a flood in the early 60's on the Narmada, near the town of
Anjad in present day Badwani district. (But I'm yet to find references to this
flood in official records). The exact causes of the migration could be
several.
Upon
reaching, they received actual land pattas of over 10 Hectares per family from
the state government. But all the land they received was forest land with thick
bush vegetation; they were poor, red-soiled, loose land. The task of clearing
the forest, and make it cultivable was entirely up to them. So, this period
witnessed a large government mandated clearing of forest lands, as they were
officially parted away through government pattas to these migrant families.
Barela families, thus have settlements much closer to the present day forest
boundaries.
This
story we see here can now be linked to the story of Land Reforms in India. In
brief, Land reforms meant
1. Tenancy rights to tenant
farmers.
2. Land ceiling to large land
holding families
3. Land redistribution to
landless families.
We
shall focus on points 2 and 3, as there are more relevant to this discussion.
Point 2 meant there was to be a limit over how much a single family could own.
The surplus agricultural land over and above the limit was to be seized by the
government, with due compensation paid to the families. This was to then create
a massive land-bank of seized agricultural land, which was subsequently to be
distributed among landless families willing to eager to farm, which is Point 3.
Thus, what was envisaged was a more socially equitable ownership pattern of the
existing agricultural land. In other words, points 2 directly feeding
into point 3.
But
Point 2 and Point 3 did not simultaneously occur in Madhya Pradesh. There is
extensive scholarship available which highlight the political reasons for which
states like Madhya Pradesh did not enforce point 2 effectively - as landed castes were an immensely powerful lobby within the ruling Congress. So in the name
of Land Reforms, what got enforced was only point 3. But where would the extra
land needed for such distribution come from? Being India's most forested state,
Madhya Pradesh ate into its ample forests for precisely this.
This
practice also conveniently converged with India's then agrarian policy of
increasing agricultural land to produce more food for its population - a policy
of extensive agriculture, rather than intensive. Back then, increasing food
production was linked to increasing cropped area, rather than increasing
productivity. Our focus shifted to the latter only after the mid 60's, when the
Green Revolution was sought after. Ecologically, agricultural land increased by
eating into forest land. Socially, it did not change the power held by landed
castes.
A
check at the official statistics ('India Forestry Outlook Study - MoEF') conveys the contrary:
One
guesses the devil is in the detail, based on the definitions used for forest
land - about which lands were considered ‘forest’, which were considered waste
land, etc. One would need to explore that further.
But how and why exactly the
government decided and actually managed to give formal pattas to them remains
unanswered, especially when it is so hard to set right their land records even
now.
I'll conclude with a clear hypothesis on the implementation of Land Reforms in India, in different states - States where political will to take on the landed gentry was lacking, tended to distribute forest/common land, as part of its Land Reforms and increased the net sown area.
This hypothesis surely deserves to be tested, and I'm sure there is plenty of work already done on it.
PS: The full India Forestry Outlook Study is available online here
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